The Common Program of the People's Republic of China 1949-1954

Article 58 of the Common Program

The exodus of Chinese migrants started in the 19th century. Before this time, emigration was more or less prohibited. This change arose from ‘push’ factors like famine, population pressure, and political instability and from ‘pull’ factors like gold rushes in the US and Australia and employment in Southeast Asia on plantations. From 1870, after the Second Opium War, there is an increase of unskilled laborers (coolies) to the US and the colonies of the UK. In 1893, the Emperor decides to lift the prohibition on emigration and emigrants are no longer considered as traitors. Qing officials try to get in touch with overseas Chinese to strengthen the ties with China. The GMD government continues this policy and stimulates the establishment of Chinese schools and associations abroad. Especially during the Japanese occupation, the government explicitly made an appeal to the overseas Chinese for financial support.
After 1945 “…according to Nationalist government estimates more than 160,000 Overseas Chinese ‘returned’ to China in the four years between 1945-1949, many of them were fleeing post-war violence and mounting insecurity in Malaya, Indonesia and elsewhere in the Region.”
Fig. 58.1 Regional distribution of Overseas Chinese
Sources: Poston (1990). Page 263
Purcell (1951). Page 2
*100.000 to 150.000 lived in North Vietnam ** 40.000 lived in Korea

In 1949, both the People's Republic of China and the Republic of China claimed to be the protector of Overseas Chinese. "The PRC inherited the policies formulated by the earlier Kuomintang government with reference to the Overseas Chinese. As far as Southeast Asia is concerned, there were three aspects to the problem. 1) Since the Overseas Chinese were the responsibility of the Chinese Government, it got involved in Southeast Asian affairs.2) The nationality law promulgated by the KMT Government created ill will and distrust among the Southeast Asian nationalists. 3) The lack of integration of the Overseas Chinese made them an object of suspicion. What is more the powerful support extended by the CCP to the communist movements in Southeast Asian countries and the fact that the leaders and followers in the MCP (Malaysian communist party) came from ethnic Chinese further widened the schism between Beijing and Southeast Asian capitals. It may be recalled that during this period China used to denounce the newly independent governments in the Region as the “running dogs of imperialism”".
Most Overseas Chinese are (descendants) from South China, mainly from the provinces of Guangdong and Fujian. They are a heterogeneous group with 3 different language groups and different ethnic backgrounds. The lineage is more important than the length of stay abroad, country of birth, or blending with other nationalities. This viewpoint causes many problems in several countries. (see below) Many Overseas Chinese have a double nationality. For example, of the 350,000 living in Burma, over 74% have two nationalities. Besides this number, there are also 140,000 persons with mixed Chinese Burmese roots. 80,000 persons are born in Burma but have Chinese ancestors. In 1950, the People's Republic of China claims 11 million Overseas Chinese, in 1953, Taiwan claims 13 million. The difference according to Taiwan are 2 million refugees since 1949.
This exodus, partly via Hong Kong (1950-1957), partly via Vietnam (1950-1953, and partly via Laos and Burma (1953), came more or less to a halt in 1951 by China's strict emigration policy. More than 400,000 mainlanders arrive in Taiwan. See table 16. In 1950, as many as 100,000 refugees were coming to Hong Kong in a month. After 1950, this number decreases to 40,000 a year.
In total, more than 1 million refugees flee to Hong Kong. "The Shanghainese in Hong Kong, or their forebears, came to Hong Kong in 1949 or soon after. Many were qualitatively different from other migrants, being welleducated members of Shanghai’s former business elite. Consequently, their influence over the Hong Kong economy has greatly outweighed their numbers."
The new regime defines an Overseas Chinese as huaqiao, this is someone who lives temporarily in a foreign country or in Hong Kong, Macao and Taiwan. Even Overseas Chinese with a foreign passport are considered huaqiao. However, "...the south-China branch of the New China News Agency and the South China Daily in Guangzhou were told to use the word tongbao (compatriots) and not huaqiao (overseas Chinese) to refer to the Chinese residents of Hong Kong and Macau. The “people referred to were [consequently] ‘drawn’ towards Beijing, and not ‘pushed’ in the direction of London and Lisbon.”13"
The new government in Beijing took temporary measures in 1951 to better regulate the immigration of Overseas Chinese. These new regulations are specifically made to ease the immigration of Overseas Chinese from countries the People's Republic of China has no diplomatic relation with. They can enter the mainland via Hong Kong or Macao and they may leave the country after permission from the authorities.
Both the People's Republic of China and Taiwan try to win the Overseas Chinese through extensive propaganda and practical interventions. This often causes conflicts with local regimes. See Burma and Overseas Chinese.
The loyalty of overseas Chinese is often under discussion. “The new nation-states [in Southeast Asia] found themselves divided between those that sided with the Western powers and those that leaned towards China and the Soviet bloc. In this context, the Chinese sojourners in the Region were much more vulnerable than others. If they remained sojourners, they were forced to choose between mainland China and the Republic of China in Taiwan. If they decided to settle and become citizens of the newly independent states, they had to convince the national governments of their change of loyalties. Even then, they remained politically suspect."
After independence, the newly formed governments follow a policy of political and economic nationalism. They try to minimalize the role of the old colonizers, the Indian and the Chinese traders and bankers. Skinner (1959) describes four issues China and Southeast Asian countries had to address concerning the overseas Chinese after the Second World War, namely, the dominant role of overseas Chinese in the nonagricultural sector of Southeast Asia’s economy; the education of overseas Chinese; the legal identity and dual nationalities of the overseas Chinese; and the political integration of overseas Chinese into the newly independent Southeast Asian countries.
Wang (1970) distinguishes 3 groups of overseas Chinese in Malaya, this distinction can be applied to almost all overseas Chinese. "Group A Chinese tend to ignore or discount political developments among the Malays and other ethnic groups as irrelevant to their political life, while Group B Chinese pay some attention to the politics of the Malays and of others only when it obviously impinges on their interests. Group C Chinese, on the other hand, are more keenly aware of Malay political power, but even among them, probably only a small number have taken pains to try and understand the dynamics of contemporary nationalism among the various classes of Malays. Such attitudes suggest that the Chinese have not really been politically alert. But, as will be shown later, they reflect limitations in the Chinese system of values which led the Chinese to miscalculation and error rather than any carelessness about systems of power."
The economic role of the Overseas Chinese can be seen in Article 37

There are two institutes involved in the relationship with the Overseas Chinese. One is United Front Department of the CCP, the other is the Overseas Chinese Affairs Committee (OCAC)of the government. It is a supra-ministerial organ under Premier Zhou Enlai’s GAC. Like many other committees and ministeries the OCAC was domi- nated by former Nationalists. The head of the commission was Madame He Xiangning . Both institutes work together in China and abroad. The OCAC coordinates between several departments of the government which are dealing with the issue of the Overseas Chinese. The OCAC is concerned with the 13 million Chinese who live outside China’s borders, and with some 11 million ’domestic Overseas Chinese', dependents and relatives who reside in the People's Republic of China.
The May Day 1948 slogans, which are a call for a broad national united front against the GMD and for the New Democracy (see Part 2) did not only arouse enthusiasm with the Minzhu Dangpai but also with overseas Chinese. "… this group (led by Tan Kah Kee) clearly took the inclusion of the huaqiao (Overseas Chinese) in the ‘democratic coalition’ as an accomplished fact, since their reply to the CCP CC indicated enthusiasm for a new PCC and its future protection of huaqiao interests’. 62 Such sentiments were hardly unique; the huaqiao in Malaya, Siam, Canada and even Cuba, followed suit, and CCP Chairman Mao Zedong confirmed their validity in a telegram to Tan on 1 October (1948), stating that the CCP would take care to seek the huaqiao’s views on China’s future. 63"
The Zhi Gong Dang (ZGD) sees itself as the representative of the Overseas Chinese in the CPPCC. The party sent six delegates to the founding conference of the CPPCC in September 1949. (See Part 6). Yet, the overseas Chinese have 13 delegates. The party is formed in 1925 in San Francisco and moved its headquarters in 1926 to Hong Kong. Later on, the party leaders settled in Guangzhou and finally in 1953 in Beijing. The role of the ZDG in national and international policy is minimal “The Zhigong dang with its secret society connections, continued to represent the interests of Overseas Chinese. … remained obscure… In 1952 the (communist) Party stopped them recruiting although they continued in the CPPCC”
The policy towards the Overseas Chinese can be seen as a part of the foreign policy. It is an instrument of the anti-imperialism policy. ”In the first two years of its rule, the party appears to have believed that the Overseas Chinese could be exploited successfully in the pursuit of its political objectives in Southeast Asia.” Like the GMD government of Taiwan, the People's Republic of China sends teachers to Overseas Chinese schools in Southeast Asia to make propaganda for the new regime. "The policy slogans (of the CCP) tended to echo those of the KMT; protection, remittances, education, culture, and patriotism, overlaid with the language of peace, democracy, internationalism, and anti-imperialism.1 The CCP stated repeatedly that its policies represented a complete break with the policy of the Kuomintang, but in these early years, the resemblance in words, if not in action, was unmistakable."
The government undertakes little initiatives to improve the position of the Overseas Chinese and are mostly interested in the question of family remittances
In 1954, the new constitution provides that the Overseas Chinese can sent 30 delegates to the newly formed National People’s Congress. Mao Zedong acknowledges the role and importance of the Overseas Chinese in financing and planning of the overthrow of the Qing dynasty. In his speech of December 25, 1946, he calls up “Unite workers, peasants, soldiers, intellectuals and businessmen, all oppressed classes, all people's organizations, democratic parties, minority nationalities, overseas Chinese and other patriots; form a national united front; overthrow the dictatorial Chiang Kai-shek government; and establish a democratic coalition government.”
He Xiangning, the head of OCAC reminds the Overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia of their duties. They have to form a united front with the native people and resist the power of the Europeans and American rulers in their place of residence and “.. to act as the "outer circle" of the vanguard of international Communism!” The party established an uncompromising principle that Overseas Chinese policy is subordinate to foreign policy. The emphasis lies on pro-Chinese (communist) propaganda. In practice, this means the new Chinese government protests loudly against the persecution of Overseas Chinese in (British) Malay and on the other hand, the government establishes relations with Britain. In 1954, the foreign policy changes (See Article 54) and the Overseas Chinese are no longer seen as an instrument of the anti-imperialism policy. After 1954, Beijing tried to solve the disputes between Overseas Chinese and their governments through bilateral agreements. The Overseas Chinese are free to choose their nationality.
Zhou Enlai summarizes the problems that arise for the Overseas Chinese "The position of the Overseas Chinese in those countries which are unfriendly to China has been extremely difficult,"… "It is worth pointing out that in the past, reactionary Chinese Governments never made any attempt to solve the problem of Overseas Chinese nationality. This not only placed the Overseas Chinese in a difficult position, but was often the cause of discord between China and the countries of residence. In order to improve this situation, we are prepared to solve this problem, beginning with those South-East Asian countries with which we have diplomatic relations."
The Overseas Chinese are often seen as a fifth column, loyal to the homeland and since 1949 as communists (sympathizers). Chinvanno (1992) notices: "Immediately after the war the opening of diplomatic relations with the Republic of China was celebrated as a triumph and Chiang Kai-shek's prestige was high. However, the corruption and ineffectiveness which plagued his regime soon disillusioned many Chinese in Thailand....Regardless of political inclinations, most Chinese liked to see the new regime in Peking gaining strength, for a stronger Peking meant more possible protection for them." Some Overseas Chinese are recruited as spies, because they can be targeted as informants and agents “… in the context of cultural exclusivity, visits to China, contacts with relatives there, and continuous contact with Chinese communities.” Below, the relations between the Overseas Chinese, the People's Republic of China, and Asian states will be described. Between 1949-1959, about 400.000 Overseas Chinese decided to return to the mainland. They are mainly from Indonesia and Malaysia. "To educate overseas Chinese students who had returned to China, the PRC government set up not only overseas Chinese elementary and middle schools, but also preparatory schools and universities for overseas Chinese students. The Beijing Preparatory School for Overseas Chinese Students ( 京 补习学校) was founded in 1950, and the Guangzhou Preparatory School for overseas Chinese students was set up in 1953."

After the power transfer of the Netherlands in 1949, the Indonesian government determines that everyone will be given the Indonesian nationality within 2 years if no protest is recorded. The People's Republic of China states all Overseas Chinese who want to change nationality have to receive approval of Beijing. “Although the government of Indonesia formally recognized the PRC in 1950, they deliberately delayed an exchange of ambassadors so as to not provide a channel for communication between the ethnic Chinese and Beijing. Their fears were confirmed in 1953 when the Chinese embassy in Jakarta was used to rally the local Chinese in support of Beijing’s cause against Taiwan.” The leaders of the People's Republic of China are afraid of the GMD influence on Overseas Chinese in Indonesia. They want to strengthen their influence and eliminate the GMD organizations. The Chinese ambassador Wang Renshu immediately starts negotiations to open several consulates. These talks result in the opening of four consulates on Java, Sumatra, Borneo and Celebes. The GMD-regime has 7 consulates.
In 1953 almost 700.00 Overseas Chinese who are born in Indonesia, do not change their nationality. One reason for this choice “Early students, virtually all from Chinese-language schools, felt they would have little opportunity for tertiary study in an independent Indonesia and that education in science and the professions was of a higher quality in China. Training in Shanghai remained world class…” Some of them want to return to Indonesia after their training but "Most felt extremely positive about the 'liberation* of the mainland. They also expected bright futures as doctors, scientists teachers and technocrats. While the re-sinification taking place in Chinese-language schools in Indonesia was surely a factor in the decision to go, most of our informants still placed education over political considerations."

In the early 1950’s, there lived about 350000 Overseas Chinese in Burma (this is about 1,6% of the total Burmese population). About 250000 have double nationality. The Burmese government has no desire to force the Overseas Chinese to choose between Burmese or Chinese nationality. They are afraid of intervention of the People's Republic of China. “A second secretary of the Chinese embassy in Rangoon was particularly given the responsibility for manipulating the Chinese community. Nevertheless, the P.R.C. did not make the Chinese minority a serious problem of internal security for Burma, because it was too busy with other matters. In addition, lack of influence among Burma's Chinese and a desire not to provoke open confrontation with the Burmese government may also restrain Peking's actions.”
December 1954, Mao Zedong has a meeting with the Burmese premier U Nu and he reassures him that China has no intention to export the revolution to Burma or to support an Overseas Chinese communist party. During this visit, no bilateral agreement is signed.
In 1956, Zhou Enlai once again assures the Burmese government that also without agreement the problem can be solved. He demands from the Overseas Chinese who have kept their Chinese nationality to refrain from political activities and “some overseas Chinese who have stayed for long in Burma, have become Burmese citizens by having acquired Burmese nationality…. As long as they have made the choice on a voluntary basis, and as permitted by the local laws, obtained the nationality of their residing country, they are no longer regarded as Chinese citizens.”


The Qing Empire and the GMD government have negotiated with the French colonial regime for a special status of the Overseas Chinese in Vietnam. They received the privileges to establish their own schools,freedom of vocation, and protection against tax discrimination. “By the time Vietnam regained her independence from the French in 1954, the situation was already such that no Vietnamese government could rest in peace without assimilating the powerful and pervasive Chinese or at least ascertaining their political loyalty. Significantly enough, in spite of the uneven distribution of Chinese in Vietnam and the continuing political turmoil in Indochina, both Hanoi and Saigon were equally anxious to see the Chinese fully integrated into Vietnamese society” In 1955, the People's Republic of China and North Vietnam agree, Hanoi will register all Overseas Chinese and treat them as if they are Vietnamese. The Overseas Chinese may voluntarily adopt Vietnamese nationality after a period of ideological training.
The South Vietnamese government determined in 1955 that all children from mixed marriages are Vietnamese and in 1956 that all Chinese born in Vietnam are Vietnamese. After political and economic pressure from the local Chinese community, Saigon eases the measures. "In January 1955 the Chinese ambassador told… that ‘the agents of Jiang Jieshi exert an extremely strong influence’ on Haiphong’s 40,000 Chinese inhabitants. The ambassador went on to say that the Chinese minority in Vietnam had been, by and large, reluctant to join the anti-colonial resistance movement."

The connection between Korea and the CCP dates from the late 30’s and early 40’s. (See Article 54 ) Like in other Asian states, the CCP and the GMD are eager to recruit Overseas Chinese (almost 50.000) to their camp. “The fear that Overseas Chinese, in Korea and beyond, were ideologically and materially supportive of the Guomindang (GMD) invigorated and gave urgency to the work of Ding Xuesong (丁雪松) and other leading Chinese Communist cadres in Korea, who earnestly desired to build a reliable base of support for the CCP among the Overseas Chinese.9 Though (…), it is equally important to note that the Nationalist Party (GMD), represented by Ambassador Shao Yulin (邵毓麟) in Seoul, was just as obsessed with the political persuasion of the Overseas Chinese in Korea.10" In 1946, the CCP and the Korean Workers’ Party(KWP) started an Overseas Chinese Affairs Committee within the KWP, and in October 1946 the Overseas Chinese Federation (OCF) is founded as a grassroot organization. The OCF penetrated down to village level and tried to form occupational, youth and women’s groups. Elementary schools are opened and in 1949 there are about 50 elementary schools in North Korea.
During the civil war, Overseas Chinese took care of wounded PLA soldiers from Shandong and Southern Manchuria. How successful the OCF was is difficult to measure. “…the Overseas Chinese community was materially rich but politically and socially uncultured, allegedly the result of the absence of CCP influence.41" During the Korea War, the Overseas Chinese are forced to donate money to the CCP. Most Overseas Chinese in fact fled to Northeast China and in 1958 only 15.000 remained.

The Overseas Chinese dominate the trade in this important trade center. One of the most distinguished traders, Tan Lark Sye (陳六使), openly supports the People's Republic of China because he is of the opinion the GMD government is corrupt and not efficient During the Korea War he is a proponent of lifting the rubber embargo. Although he is a supporter of the People's Republic of China, he has never the intention to return to the mainland. Tan Kah Kee (陈嘉庚), an important industrialist, decides to return to Beijing (see Part 3). The rest of his family stays in Singapore.
The position of the Overseas Chinese in Malaysia is complicated, because of the existence of the Malayan Communist Party (MCP). The MCP is almost entirely composed of Overseas Chinese. In June 1948, the MCP starts its armed struggle against the British colonizers. As soon as the CCP has established control, the CCP provides the MCP with literature and propaganda. It is unable to provide material support. “The CCP had never openly supported the MCP or urged the Chinese in Malaya to join the insurgency. By early 1951, it was already apparent that the party was no longer prepared even to suggest by implication and ambiguity that it approved of Overseas Chinese taking up arms against the British.” The MCP failed to win the struggle. In 1952, the British government expelled 700 Overseas Chinese. They found work at state farms on the island Hainan.

The absence of diplomatic relations between the US and the People's Republic of China hinders the position of the Overseas Chinese in America. In addition, Taiwan is conducting an open struggle to keep and retain the Overseas Chinese in the United States in their camp, backed by the anti-communist winds blowing in the US over the years. This policy backfired because “…to suspect all new arrivals from China as potential spies. Heavy-handed application of immigration laws in the United States opened propaganda opportunities for the PRC and embarrassed the perennially weak ROC government for being unable to protect its citizens.”
Waldrop (2016) describes the situation of the Chinese students in the year 1949 "The remaining Chinese studying in the United States still faced a desperate financial situation and the Guomindang was more or less powerless to assist them. Moreover, as the Communists gained ground many Chinese students studying in America became isolated from their families. This isolation, and subsequent termination of financial support from their families, forced an increased dependence on the American government for continued financing of their education.89"
After the start of the Korea War, the position of the Overseas Chinese becomes even more hazardous, Many Overseas Chinese students leave the US for the mainland.
The American government tries to stop this exodus of students and scientists. Qian Xuesen, the rocket specialist, is the most famous victim of this policy. After June 1951, the restriction on migration becomes even more severe and 120 students are not allowed to leave the country for the People's Republic of China. September 10, 1955, China and the US agree that the US abandons the restriction in exchange for the release of American POWs from the Korean War. Qian Xuesan is also allowed to leave. In the years 1945-1955, some 700 Chinese students and scientists returned to the China. Most of them play an important role in the development of science in the People's Republic of China.

As in other socialist systems, until the 1980s emigration was considered as an act of desertion in the PRC. [↩]
Peterson (2013). Page 108 [↩] [Cite]
Zhou Enlai states in his political report of October 23, 1951 "Lawful rights and interests of these people [the Overseas Chinese], as a result of unreasonable discrimination and even persecution on the part of certain countries, have been seriously infringed. This cannot but arouse serious attention and deep concern of the Chinese people." cited in Barnett (1960). Pages 185-186 [↩] [Cite]
Suryanarayan (2012). No page number. The People's Republic of China made no nationality law of their own. [↩] [Cite]
In 1909, the Qing government decides all children with a Chinese father or a Chinese mother (but with an unknown father) have the Chinese nationality. In 1929 the GMD regime continues this policy, so does the People's Republic of China in 1949. [↩]
Only in 1959 there is a big exodus of refugees from Tibet. [↩]
"Obwohl die Gesetzeslage eindeutig war und auch die kommunistische chinesische Regierung die Grenzen zur Kronkolonie 1950 schloß, endete die nunmehr irreguläre Zuwanderung keineswegs.907 Auch auf seiten der britischen Kolonialregierung wurde sie in den fünfziger Jahren weitgehend toleriert, was nicht unwesentlich zum Erfolg der auf arbeitsintensiver Produktion und niedrigen Lohnkosten basierenden Industrialisierung Hong Kongs beitrug.908"
Translation: "Although the law was clear and the Communist Chinese government also closed the borders to the Crown Colony in 1950, the now irregular immigration did not end by any means On the part of the British colonial government, too, it was largely tolerated in the 1950s, which contributed to the success of Hong Kong's industrialization based on labor-intensive production and low labor costs." Giese (1999). Page 4-425 [↩] [Cite]
East Asia Analytical Unit (1995). Page 95. [Cite] "...Shanghainese settlers in Taiwan after 1949 were KMT sympathisers; whereas, those who settled in Hong Kong were sometimes not." Page 101 [↩]
Chang (1995). Page 356 [↩] [Cite]
" theory, Overseas Chinese were to be allowed exit permits so long as they possessed an identity card issued by the district-level people’s court attesting to their Overseas Chinese status. Nan fang Ribao 7 January 1951. In October 1951 the Ministry of Public Security issued new regulations which restricted Overseas Chinese with a ‘landlord' designation from leaving the country freely. The regulations were tightened in spring 1952, and by 1953 newspapers in Hong Kong and elsewhere were reporting that Overseas Chinese who had been singled out during land reform for ‘criticism and struggle'(...) were forbidden to leave the country." Peterson (2013). Page 187 note 87 [↩] [Cite]
"Thus, when the CCP triumphed in 1949, many transnational families had been estranged for over a decade. Within months the PRC launched a major letter-writing campaign to aid transnational families in locating their missing relatives. Monitoring communications with family members overseas quickly became “one of the foremost concerns of all Overseas Chinese Affairs officials from the Chairman of the Overseas Chinese Affairs Commission to the basic level cadre”. Peterson (2007). Page 27. [Cite]
Just after 1949 The PRC seemed to have won this propaganda fight. The Korea war and the methods used to trick out money from overseas Chinese damped the initial enthusiasm. See Oyen (2010). Pages 59-94. [↩] [Cite]
18-03-1952 Reply Concerning Ideas for Strengthening Propaganda to International Chinese. "
"... returned Overseas Chinese. Most came back to China right after the socialist revolution in 1949 with patriotic feelings willing to help reconstruct the country. 294 Besides their language abilities, foreign-born Chinese also had insider's knowledge of the countries they came from, in terms of their lifestyle, customs and political situation. Many of these cadres came from Southeast Asian countries like Thailand, Burma, Indonesia, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, Malaysia, and Philippines. A considerable number of Overseas Chinese also returned from the US, France, Japan and Soviet Union 295. As the Overseas Chinese had native or close-to-native linguistic skills, certain departments did not have to employ foreign experts. Throughout this period, the Overseas Chinese became influential members of the translation, editing and announcing teams.296 Their participation in the foreign propaganda work was encouraged and awarded by the PRC regime." Üngör (2009). Page 103 [↩] [Cite]
Wang (1996). Page 10 [↩] [Cite]
Skinner (1959). Page 138 [↩] [Cite]
Wang (1970). Page 4 [↩] [Cite]
Han (2018). "Among the 30 members of the commission, about a third were Communists and the rest were returned overseas Chinese who were either left-wing Nationalists or members of other democratic parties which were allies of the CCP. Some of these overseas Chinese members had been long-time supporters of the ROC government before becoming Communist sympathizers, and at least one of them, Tan Kah Kee (Chen Jiageng 陈嘉庚), had served as a member of the ROC Overseas Chinese Affairs Council.4" Page 25 [↩] [Cite]
Lim (2016). Pages 36-37. [Cite]
He continues "After all, they had earned their seat at the table because they had, as Mao said, made huge sacrifices for the anti-Japanese united front. 79 This entitled them to a role in the New Democracy, and to a benevolent qiaowu." Page 40 [↩]
Groot (2004). Pages 72-73. [Cite]
Lim (2016) states: "In a CCP CC directive sent to its Hong Kong and Shanghai branches, Chen Qiyou and Situ Meitang were listed as Zhigong Party delegates, and separate from the huaqiao invitees, Tan Kah Kee, Feng Yufang, and Wang Renshu." Page 46 [↩] [Cite]
Fitzgerald (1969). Page vii [↩] [Cite]
Fitzgerald (1969). Page 193 [↩] [Cite]
Fitzgerald (1970). Page 8. [Cite] Fitzgerald states in his dissertation: The CCP, on the other hand (compared with the GMD) , even at this early stage, was not prepared to allow Overseas Chinese problems to dominate any aspect of state policy, nor was it prepared to commit itself too readily on issues of protection which were of no potential benefit to China. Fitzgerald (1969). Page 204 [↩] [Cite]
Walker (1958). Pages 65-66 [↩] [Cite]
Chinvanno (1992). Page 63 [↩] [Cite]
Brazil (no date). Page 12 [↩] [Cite]
Han (2018). Page 28 "From 1949 to 1957, the overseas Chinese created fourteen middle schools in Guangdong and Fujian and over 20 elementary schools in Fujian." Page 28 [↩] [Cite]
Carter (1995). Page 28 [↩] [Cite]
Godley (1990). Page 180 [↩] [Cite]
Godley (1990). Page 180 [Cite]
Zhou (2019) describes the journey of a a second-generation ethnic Chinese from Java to PRC in 1955 "Before his departure, by signing the back of his Indonesian birth certificate, he agreed never to return to Indonesia. This pledge was required by the Indonesian government, which imposed strict restrictions on the reentry of the ethnic Chinese who had been to the PRC due to fears that they would disseminate Communist ideology.1 Liang then boarded the ship, where there were over a thousand Indonesian-born Chinese high school graduates ready to travel to the PRC for higher education." Page 1 [↩] [Cite]
Pang (2011). Pages 137-138 [↩] [Cite]
Chang (1982). Page 196 [↩] [Cite]
Szalontai (2005). Page 411 [↩] [Cite]
Kraus (2014). Page 42 [↩] [Cite]
Kraus (2014). Page 53 [↩] [Cite]
Lim (2012). Page 80 [↩] [Cite]
Fitzgerald (1969). Page 240 [↩] [Cite]
"As such, it was hoped, Chinese students who had lived in and experienced the American way of life would, upon their return to China, work as a pro-American cohort and combat the anti-American rhetoric of the Chinese Communist Party, as well as strengthen pro-American Chinese sentiment." However, "The Sino-Soviet alliance in February 1950 and the subsequent dismantling of Western institutions and influences in China led many to question the efficacy of returned Chinese students as “democratic forces.” Instead, they now represented sources of knowledge that needed to be retained in order to deny the Chinese Communist Party access to sensitive scientific and technical information." Waldrop (2016). Page 49 and Page 54 [↩] [Cite]
Oyen (2007). Page 7 [↩] [Cite]
Waldrop (2016). Page 43 [↩] [Cite]
Guldin (1994). Pages 81-83. [Cite]
He describes the choice students and scientist make to stay in the US or to leave for People's Republic of China. In 1949, the US adopted a law that facilitates the right of asylum for Chinese students. About 5000 students make use of this law.
Li (2008) states: “Although there were over four thousand Chinese students in the United States by the end of 1949 and most suffered from financial difficulties, very few considered the option of going to Taiwan. They either turned to the American government for help in order to continue their education in the United States, or returned to China despite the Communist control.” Page 191. He poses “Over six hundred of them went back home with travel grants paid by the United States government”. Li (2008). Page 171 [↩] [Cite]
“A quarter of a century later in 1981, 344 (or 86 percent) of four hundred in the PRC's Academia Sinica were recognized as having received at least part of their higher education abroad. Out of the 344, 59.3 percent or 204 were educated in the US, with most of them arriving in America during the mid-1940s and returning to China in the late 1940s or mid-1950s” Lai (no date). Page 15 [Cite]
See also Wilhelm (1994). Pages 249-250. [Cite]
With the passing of the Displaced Person’s Act of 1948, a quota of 15,000 Chinese claim refugee status and change their citizenship to American. In 1953, the Refugee Relief Act allowed for persons living in Communist countries to vie for American citizenship. Of the 205,000 places, 2000 were allotted to Chinese. [↩]

Chapter 7 of Common Program