The Common Program of the People's Republic of China 1949-1954


During the 1940’s, Mao Zedong regularly asked to meet Stalin in person in Moscow. In April 1948, Mao is on the verge of going to the SU when at the last moment Stalin does not want to meet him. Later on in 1948 and in the beginning of 1949, Mao Zedong still tried several times to persuade Stalin in meeting him.
His requests are declined. The main reason for the refusal is that Moscow has a diplomatic relation with the government of Jiang Jieshi and Stalin is not willing to offend the GMD government. These relations with the GMD government are not only diplomatic, but the SU also sells weaponry.
Sheng (1998b) cites:
Anastas Mikoyan (1895-1978) Soviet Union. Minister of Foreign Trade (1938-1949) Politburo member (1935-1966) Vice-Premier of the Council of Ministers (1946-1953)
, the special envoy of Stalin, who gives an additional explanation: "Should the trip become public knowledge, Mikoyan said, Mao could have been "named a Moscow agent. This would have been detrimental to the prestige of the CCP and would have been exploited by the imperialists and the Chiang Kai-shek clique against the Chinese communists."

Mao Zedong wants to consult Stalin on several topics. One of them is the matter of organizing a political consultative conference. Instead of personal contact, Mao Zedong, and Stalin correspond to each other about this theme. Mao Zedong is afraid the Americans intend to "…organize and send their lackeys so that they infiltrate the political consultative meeting and the democratic coalition government and could create an opposition bloc there and undermine from within the people’s revolutionary front in order that the revolution could not be consistently implemented." Stalin agrees with Mao and proposes to him to organize immediately a political consultative conference after the takeover of Beijing, then the GMD will be incapable of creating their own political consultative conference. Mao Zedong answers Stalin that the moment has not yet arrived to establish a political consultative conference. He wants to wait until Nanjing, Wuhan, or Shanghai is firmly in the hands of the PLA. Mao is not afraid the Minzhu Dangpai will join an initiative of the GMD. "At the present time the majority of the democratic politicians are in our areas, they themselves want to be there, and [come] to us. Whereas before we invited many but they did not go, now after the victories of our armies, it is enough to give them the smallest hint, and they immediately come."
This opinion of Mao Zedong appears to be right. On January 22, 1949, some 53 members of the CDL and other political persons publicly declare to support the CCP and condemn the foreign policy of the US. Mao Zedong also states that several GMD generals, like
Bai Chongxi
Bai Chongxi (1893-1966) He was the first defense minister of the Republic of China from 1946 to 1948. Bai's forces were the last ones to leave the mainland for Hainan Island and eventually to Taiwan
Tan [Tang] Enbo
Tang Enbo (1898-1954) In January 1949, Chen Yi (1883-1950)thought the KMT position was untenable, so to rescue the 18 million residents of the Nanjing-Shanghai-Hangzhou region from a meaningless war, he attempted to defect to the Chinese Communist Party. Along with his defection, he attempted to induce the garrison military commander Tang Enbo to surrender to the Communist Party. Tang choses the side of Jiang and betrays Chen Yi (GMD). Chen Yi is sentenced to death in Taipei in 1950.
, and
Liu Ruming
Liu Ruming (1895-1975) Despite contacts with the communists. He decides to go to Taiwan in 1949
openly or secretly contacted the PLA in order to surrender. (However, all 3 of them eventually fled to Taiwan.)
As an alternative of receiving Mao Zedong in Moscow, Stalin sends his special envoy Mikoyan on a secret mission to the headquarters of the CCP in Xibaipo. He arrives on January 30, 1949 and has a number of talks with Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai and other Politburo members.
On January 30 and February 4, 1949, they have extensive talks about the establishment of a coalition government and about the formation of a preparatory committee for the founding of a political consultative conference. Mao Zedong shows Mikoyan, a list of 22 political and social organizations that are eligible for an invitation.
Rudolph (2021) claims changes in the available invitation lists can give important insights into power struggles between the Minzhu Dangpai and the CCP as well as between the Minzhu Dangpai that competed for influence in the new regime. "A list attached to the CCP leadership’s draft from October 1948 mentioned 39 entities: 9 DPGs (Minzhu Dangpai), 6 factions representing local interests, 6 factions representing the military as well as representatives from 17 civic associations.61 Already one week later, the number of DPGs had shrunken to seven, excluding the Zhigong Party and the Democratic National Construction Association.62"
On July 4, 1949, Liu Shaoqi assures Stalin, during his meeting with him in Moscow, that in the new consultative conference, the CCP will have the control.
According to Ivanov (1992), there are about 100 political groups active in the period between 1945 and 1949. Stalin constantly urges the CCP to form a coalition government as soon as possible, however, "Before creating a government, one should comprehensively clear the liberated territory from hostile elements, internal and foreign, strengthen one’s cadres, bring forces and military supplies to the frontlines of the People’s Liberation Army. This will require time. How much time this will require is something that the Chinese comrades must determine for themselves."
Mao Zedong replies on another occasion: "Now we decided to form a government in the months of August-September of this year. All the preparatory work must be completed before the middle of the month of August. In the middle or in the second half of the month of August one can call the political consultative meeting and form the government."
In the same cable, Mao Zedong tells Stalin, he is convinced the Minzhu Dangpai will eventually support the CCP although a lot of persuasion is needed, and he tells Stalin the total number of delegates can be expanded to 500.
The Sino-Soviet Alliance for Friendship and Mutual Assistance promotes enduring world peace

The CCP has invited 135 congress participants to come to Beijing to hold a preparatory meeting. On June 11, 1949, the CCP and various democratic parties and democrats without party affiliation held a preparatory meeting for the preparatory meeting of the new political consultative conference in Beijing. Candidates for the Standing Committee were chosen. The purpose of this gathering (15-06-1949 - 19-06-1949) is to work on a Common Program. On the first day of the meeting, June 15, 1949, Mao Zedong calls them to take on the necessary preparations for convening a political consultative conference. He is convinced this meeting will be a success, because all the delegates want to make an end to the domination of imperialism, feudalism, and capitalism, and they all want to eliminate the GMD government.
Mao Zedong states: "This battle can be won because equal minded people can beat those enemies and make it possible to strive for a China that is independent, which has peace, unity, power and prosperity. He also claims there are 2 important tasks for the new coalition government. The first one is to eliminate all reactionaries, the second is economic recovery."
Opening of preparatory conference June 15, 1949
The 135 delegates to the conference represent 23 organizations. They are from different areas of China and have different political, social, and economic background. About 50 delegates are members of the CCP, although during the meeting they should represent their Minzhu Dangpai. See for an explanation of Dual membership.
Only 18 delegates are females. The congress participants have different backgrounds.
Chen Mingshu
Chen Mingshu (1890-1965)
is a military educated person, who was prime minister in the GMD government. Dissatisfied with Jiang Jieshi’s policy, he leaves the GMD. He is very impressed by the military strength and discipline of the PLA and in 1949 he is a middleman during the negotiations between the CCP and US ambassador Stuart. He is a delegate at this conference for the Revolutionary GMD (Rev.GMD).
Chen Jiageng
Chen Jiageng (1874–1961)
better known as Tan Kah Kee is a prominent businessman, who in his youth immigrated to Singapore. He rapidly became a successful entrepreneur. In 1940, after a meeting with Mao Zedong he supports the communists and he tries to persuade Overseas Chinese to stop their funding to the GMD regime. In 1946, he even asks American President Truman to stop the aid for Jiang Jieshi. In January 1949, he accepts the invitation for the preparatory meeting of the CPPCC, but he insists that his visit to China is for touring to see for himself the situation in the liberated areas. He is a delegate at this meeting for the Overseas Chinese. In February 1950 he returns to Singapore and in May 1950, he leaves for China definitely. His decision to stay in China after May 1950, became a significant patriotic symbol for the overseas Chinese, and an inspiration for thousands of Chinese youths in Southeast Asia to go to China in the 1950's.
Many delegates have studied on universities and have been abroad for their study or/and for their work. Most of them have been in Japan. In West Europe: France and Germany are favorite destinations. In East Europe the SU. America is also a very popular destination.
A number of prominent people receive a personal invitation of Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai. They are not affiliated with any political party or organization. "Political participation for Chinese liberals, however, did not necessarily mean joining one of the existing political parties or founding a party themselves. Prominent Chinese academics and intellectuals evidently felt that, even though they stood aloof from quotidian politics, they could still be much more politically influential than their European or American counterparts, presumably due to the legacy of the traditional literates influence." Their role after the regime change in October 1949 did not end.
"…old intellectuals. Some, with national fame, received honorary positions because they had been targets of the CCP's united front policy. Others were assigned to specialist positions where they could utilize their expertise. Old intellectuals could not claim virtue or seniority, but they possessed knowledge that the regime needed, and it helped them to survive in functional positions."

Several members of the CCP are also (secretly) followers of one or more Minzhu Dangpai. During the civil war, the existence of dual membership had been denied and GMD’s evidence denounced as false. "An appearance of independence was maintained for the foreign and domestic public but MPG members were well aware CCP members in their midst."
Chu Tunan
Chu Tunan (1899-1994)
, a historian born in Hunan, is a party member since 1926 but he is also a member of the CDL. This dual membership is common. Some are directly send to influence internally the Minzhu Dangpai. This policy becomes official after 1949.
Chang (1956) states: "It is worth noting that while the CPC has been willing to encourage the minor parties to expand, it is also suggested as early as May, 1951, that Communist Party members be included in the minor parties up to ten or twenty per cent of the total membership for the purpose of assisting them in organizational matter."
It is very difficult to tell how many double memberships exist. The work of the United Front department is secret. Only 2 years before his death in 1980, it became publicly known that
Sha Qianli
Sha Qianli (1901-1982) Deputy Minister of Trade (1949-1952), the Deputy vice Minister of Commerce (1952-1954), and the Minister of Local Industry (1954-56).
, a member of the CNDCA, also was a member of the CCP. Sometimes a person wants to become a member of the CCP but is refused on tactical grounds. The CDL leader
Wu Han
Wu Han (1909-1969) Historian
applies for membership in 1948, but Zhou Enlai convinces him his role in the United Front is too important. In 1957, Wu Han becomes secretly a CCP member. The CCP seeks for support of the intellectuals but does not want a large number of them within the party.
There is also a group who lost contact during the civil war with the CCP and they looked for political shelter in the Minzhu Dangpai. The third group are persons who are members of the Minzhu Dangpai, and later on become CCP members.
Qian Jiaju,
Qian Jiaju (1909-2002)
who is member of the CCP and CDL, says in his memoires: "Political parties in capitalist countries are exclusive. No one can join two political parties at the same time. But it is different in China. There are many overlapping members and people are used to them. Even a leader of one party can be a member of another party… This is why it is unrealistic and impossible to change democratic parties into opposition parties, as suggested by many young friends. These Chinese-style democratic parties can only be little parties under the leadership of the CPC."
Barnett (1949) writes on 6 September 1949: "By far the majority of them can be called Kuomintang dissidents: that is they are people who at one time belonged to the Kuomintang but broke away from it because of political differences, persecution or personal rivalries. … The way in which the past histories of many of these men are intertwined would sound like the plot of a complicated historical novel if fully described."
17-09-1949 Zhou Enlai at the 2nd preparatory meeting

Not only Minzhu Dangpai members are invited but also members of mass organizations. These are, for example, the All-China Federation of Labors (ACFL). An organization founded in 1925. Liu Shaoqi is vice chairman of this trade union. The All-China Federation of Democratic Women (ACFDW) founded just before this meeting on March 1949. The Honorary President is Soong Ching Ling, the wife of Sun Yat sen. The All-China Federation of Students (ACFS) also founded in March 1949. These organizations are specially founded for this meeting in June. After this political consultative conference, other mass organizations are founded to be able to send delegates to the political consultative conference of September 1949.
These mass organizations ".. all of which are political in character, are not, strictly speaking, elements in the bureaucratic "organizations of state power," but in countless ways they are tied to the party, the army, and (later to) the government, and they form an essential part of the organizational matrix of Chinese Communist rule. They are the organizational link between the bureaucratic ruling agencies and the masses."
The majority of the organizations convene shortly before this political consultative conference their own congress to choose their delegates for this preparatory conference.
Most of the participants at this conference are enthusiast.
Wu Yaozhong,
Wu Yaozhong (1893-1979) Theologist
a delegate for the Christian religious people tells during the meeting: "It is time now that Christians should free themselves from capitalist and imperialist traditions."
Additionally, the Buddhists are very positive. In a letter to Mao Zedong, and leaders of the Minzhu Dangpai
Ju Zan
Ju Zan (1908-1984)
writes: "All Buddhists have expressed their admiration and appreciative joy over the dawn of the new era.
2. Buddhists would like to give ten thousand thanks to the Chinese Communist Party for eliminating feudalism and superstition, which have long defiled the sangha, and Buddhists are looking forward to a new life.
3. Buddhism, unlike other religions, is atheism, and it advocates the realization of the doctrines of non-self and serving others. Therefore, it is comparable to the spirit of the time (Marxism). The appearance of a new form of Buddhism in China would facilitate the liberation of Tibet and Taiwan, where Buddhism is much revered. New Buddhism will also help promote diplomatic friendship with neighboring Buddhist countries, thus contributing to world revolution.
4. A movement of "shifting to production" and "shifting to scholarship" should be carried out among the sangha so that the feudal system and superstitious beliefs could be destroyed, and backward Buddhists could be transformed.”
In addition, other delegates are excited,
Huang Yanpei,
Huang Yanpei (1878-1965) Economist. Minister of Light Industry 1949-1954
an economist talks about a building with 5 entries: "Independence, democracy, peace, unity, and prosperity with power. The flag atop the building was the banner of New Democracy."

How sincere and 'voluntary' this enthusiasm of the delegates is, is hard to determine because “No organization of the Churches was given any opportunity of electing these or any other delegates. The 'delegates' were selected by the Communist authorities who designated them as the 'representatives of the Churches'."
“The party required that all conference delegates accept three conditions: that the ccp would exercise leadership; that the revolution had to pursued to the end (…): and that the Party was to build a people’s democratic dictatorship which did not include counterrevolutionaries and denied the possibility of a third road." The future participants of the CPPCC are extensively vetted for their sympathies. Their feelings range from anti-Japanese, anti-Jiang Jieshi, anti-feudalism, and anti-American to pro-Soviet Union and pro-unitary state. According to the regulations of the Preparatory Committee, the first group of representatives was approved at the 8th meeting of the Standing Committee of the New CPPCC Preparatory Committee after more than three months of consultation. On September 20, the list of representatives participating in the new CPPCC was finally settled.
September 17, 1949, Representatives of the second plenary meeting
Remarkable is the large number of traditional doctors granted membership in "… the People's Political Consultative Conferences was frequently cited as proof of traditional doctors' improved status under the Communist regime. There was no campaign to criticise any surviving "feudal" influences in their thinking. Perhaps traditional Chinese doctors quickly and easily shed the cloak of conservatism which twentieth-century modernists previously found so offensive. The contrasting treatment by the Communist government, however, rather suggests that they have found any traditional conservatism represented by such forces as the traditional doctors far less dangerous than the bourgeois ideas and specialists' claims to autonomy of the modern medical profession."
Even those who chose not to participate in the CPPCC saw themselves as Liang Shuming puts it as ‘loyal opposition” “a wish shared by those who chose to stay on the mainland after 1949.”
In 1949, the CCP has over 5 million members. The Minzhu Dangpai has 20.000 members in total. Yip (1998) notices difficulties in determining the total number of Minzhu Dangpai members because in 1947 the GMD regime prohibited some parties. According to rough estimates, the CDL had 15.000 members in 1947.

This preparatory meeting ends with the election of a permanent committee of 21 members. Mao Zedong and Zhu De are on behave of the CCP chairmen. Li Jishen (Rev. GMD) is also elected chairman and
Lin Boqu
Lin Boqu (also known as Lin Tsu-han) (1881-1960) secretary-general of the Preparatory Committee of CPPCC
(CCP) is general secretary. The committee choses members for 6 workgroups. Their job is the composition of the list of participants for the next political consultative conference, to prepare a Common Program and organic laws. One law for the new political consultative conference and one for the coalition government. The workgroups have also to decide on the new national emblem, a national flag, and a national hymn. Zhou Enlai coordinates the 6 groups and Mao Zedong supervises the work on the Common Program. Zhou Enlai temporarily put aside many affairs at hand, and concentrated a period of time to complete the drafting of the "Common Program". On June 30, the first draft was successfully completed. The draft of the "Common Program" had five revisions (August 22nd, September 5th, September 6th, September 11th and September 13th). Mao Zedong made some structural adjustments and some paragraphs were revised. On September 13, there was the final discussion and revisal. See also Part 6
The 29 year old Wu Jian has been asked to end the congress in a celebratory way. He uses the popular Yangge. This is a combination of dance and song. Its origin lays in rural dance performances and is used by the CCP cultural department for propaganda aims. The Huairen hall of Zhongnanhai in Beijing is filled with the delegates on the evening of June 19, 1949, to enjoy the theatre performance. One of the acts performed is ‘The big Yangge of the celebration of Liberation’ in which the liberation of Beijing and the successes in the war against the GMD are the main topics. The audience is very impressed. See also Article 45
Hung (2010) explains: "Targeting rural audiences, the propagandists relied on yangge, a familiar folk art, as a tool. New yangge –a reformed rural dance instilled with political themes extolling the achievements of communist rule – and its accompanying short plays…, popular since the Yan'an era, became a political instrument to channel anti-sect messages to the villagers."

On June 21, 1949, two days after the end of the preparatory political consultative conference,
Liu Shaoqi
Liu Shaoqi in Moscow 1949
goes on a secret mission to Moscow to visit Stalin. The purpose of this trip was to ensure financial, and technical aid from the SU. Liu Shaoqi also wanted to report on the conference. Another part of his mission was to learn about the construction and structure of government, economic and cultural commissions and mass organizations. He and his delegation visit several factories and collective farms. Stalin met with Liu Shaoqi 6 times, an unprecedented event. Stalin agrees with Liu Shaoqi about the CPPC's coalition policy: "The point of view that considers cooperation between you and the Chinese national bourgeoisie as the way of drawing them into the government is correct."
When Liu Shaoqi leaves Moscow on August 14, 1949, he takes with him 220 advisors. They are specialists in the field of civics, economy, defense, and propaganda. In 1949 the total number of SU specialists in China is more than 600. Most of them are active in the Northeast.

On the occasion of the 28th anniversary of the CCP, Mao Zedong writes the essay
On the people’s democratic dictatorship
'On People's Democratic Dictatorship'
. He clearly defines the margins within which the Minzhu Dangpai may collaborate with the CCP. The most important one is: "We are the opposite of the political parties of the bourgeoisie. They are afraid to speak of the extinction of classes, state power and parties. We, on the contrary, declare openly that we are striving hard to create the very conditions which will bring about their extinction. The leadership of the Communist Party and the state power of the people's dictatorship are such conditions."
He also states that the new republic will be different: "There are bourgeois republics in foreign lands, but China cannot have a bourgeois republic because she is a country suffering under imperialist oppression. The only way is through a people's republic led by the working class. All other ways have been tried and failed."
The people governs the new republic and Mao Zedong defines who are part of the people and what will happen to those who are not part of the people: "They are the working class, the peasantry, the urban petty bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie. These classes, led by the working class and the Communist Party, unite to form their own state and elect their own government; they enforce their dictatorship over the running dogs of imperialism -- the landlord class and bureaucrat-bourgeoisie, as well as the representatives of those classes, the Kuomintang reactionaries and their accomplices -- suppress them, allow them only to behave themselves and not to be unruly in word or deed. If they speak or act in an unruly way, they will be promptly stopped and punished."
Mao Zedong deviates from the traditional Marxist-Leninist definition, in which the middle and national bourgeoisies are not a part of the people. Several Asiatic communist parties in Burma, Indonesia and Malaysia follow his definition. Yang (2007) remarks: "The CCP defined the bourgeoisie so as to include: capitalists in industry and commerce and many small businessmen and shop-owners; various celebrities as well many relatively wealthy university professors and professionals; the representatives of their interests and claims in various political parties and groups: and even some senior officers and officials who had defected from the Guomindang."

The role of the Minzhu Dangpai will be limited in the future because "The people's democratic dictatorship is based on the alliance of the working class, the peasantry and the urban petty bourgeoisie, and mainly on the alliance of the workers and the peasants, because these two classes comprise 80 to 90 per cent of China's population. These two classes are the main force in overthrowing imperialism and the Kuomintang reactionaries. The transition from New Democracy to socialism also depends mainly upon their alliance."
Mao Zedong attests that the Minzhu Dangpai for this moment has to play an important role: "To counter imperialist oppression and to raise her backward economy to a higher level, China must utilize all the factors of urban and rural capitalism that are beneficial and not harmful to the national economy and the people's livelihood; and we must unite with the national bourgeoisie in common struggle. Our present policy is to regulate capitalism, not to destroy it. But the national bourgeoisie cannot be the leader of the revolution, nor should it have the chief role in state power."
Already in 1939 Mao Zedong writes
The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party
'The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party'
"Except for the Communist Party, no political party (bourgeois or petty-bourgeois) is equal to the task of leading China's two great revolutions, the democratic and the socialist revolutions, to complete fulfilment."

Until the start of the September plenum, the 6 workgroups meet regularly and the Common Program is thoroughly examined and 5 times amended, Liu Shaoqi calls the end result "…the Communist Party's 'minimum program'."
In the months after the preparatory political consultative conference, the Minzhu Dangpai and mass organizations hold meetings to elect the delegates for the plenum of the CPPCC. The plenum is scheduled for September 21, 1949.
Table 3 shows the distribution of the number of participants per Minzhu Dangpai. "Its 510 delegates will be drawn from 45 "representative units," to include: 14 political parties (142 delegates), most important of which will be the Communist party, the Kuomintang Revolutionary Committee, and the Democratic League (16 delegates each); 9 nonpolitical regional groups (102 delegates), to be drawn from all parts of China; 6 army units (60 delegates), all of which, of course, are Communist; 16 people's organizations and groupings (206 delegates). This last group will comprise labor, peasant, women, youth, and student divisions, industrial and commercial circles, literary, scientific, educational, social science, and journalist groups, minority nationalities, "democratic overseas Chinese," and "democratic religious circles." Later the number of delegates has risen from 510 to 662.

On December 9, 1949 The General Assembly of the UN wants to investigate Soviet violations of the Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship and Alliance of 14 August 1945, and from Soviet violations of the Charter of the United Nations. See Further reading [↩]
Sheng (1998b). Page 174 [↩] [Cite]
1. CCP 2. PLA 3. The Revolutionary Committee of the GuoMinDang 4. The Union to advance Democracy in China 5. The Democratic League of China 6. The Association for Saving the Motherland 7. The Third Party (Democratic Party of Workers and Peasants) 8. The Union to Advance Democracy in Shanghai 9. The Society for the Democratic Transformation of China 10. The Congress of Professional Unions of China 11. The Peasants’ Union of China 12. The Youth Organization of China 13. The Student Union of China 14. The All-China Women’s Union 15. The Association of Cultural Workers of China 16. The Association of the Industrial Enterprises of Shanghai 17. The Union of Workers in Education 18. Representatives of non-party figures (Guo Moruo) 19. Representatives of the national minorities 20. Representatives of the Chinese emigrants, living in South-East Asia (Chen Jiageng, etc.) 21. Representatives of the Chinese emigrants living in the USA 22. The Association for the Study of Sun Yatsen. The membership of the preparatory commission will be composed of 3-4 people, delegated from each of the aforementioned groups, but irrespective of the number of delegates each organization will have only one vote. The communists will have 9 people on the commission, and 5 sympathizers. The rest of the seats are assigned to 4 centrists and 5 democrats. In the PCM 2/3 of the places will belong to the CCP. The commission will convene in the beginning of the month of March, prepare the composition of the political consultative meeting and the agenda of its sessions.
04-02-1949 Memorandum of Conversation between Anastas Mikoyan and Mao Zedong [↩]
Rudolph (2021). Pages 211 [↩] [Cite]
"A Preparatory Committee on PCC Convocation has already been set up. It comprises 134 members, among them 43 Communists, 48 progressive figures who will certainly support us, 43 centrists, with 12 centrists with rightist leanings among them. The progressives include 15 undercover Communists. The leadership of the Preparatory Committee is securely with the Communist Party" 04-07-1949 Excerpts of report to Stalin. [↩]
Ivanov (1992). Page 171 [↩] [Cite]
Westad writes "Although most of the members of the Preparatory Commission were in place in Beijing by late April, it took almost two months before the first meetings were held, mostly because the CCP needed time to convince prominent nonparty leaders to participate" Westad (2003). Page 264.[Cite]
See document 07-07-1949 The parties and bodies of the preparatory committee of the new political consultative conference [↩]
Lu (2008). Page 2 [↩] [Cite] [Cite]
Wong (1993). Page 459 [↩] [Cite]
Lee (1991). Page 51 [↩] [Cite]
Groot (1997). Page 189 [↩] [Cite]
Chang (1956). Page 526 [↩] [Cite]
Qian (1989). Page 26 [↩] [Cite]
Barnett (1949). Page 3 [↩] [Cite]
According to a Joint declaration of these parties, issued early in 1951, they announced their intention to recruit new members in accordance with the following formula defining these "principally eligible" for membership in the various parties:
For the Revolutionary Committee of the GMD: GMD members who at present still occupy government positions and those who have rendered distinguished services in the work of resisting American aggression and helping Korea or in the land reform.
For the China Democratic League: Petty bourgeois intelligentsia, particularly educational and cultural workers, college students, : technicians, practitioners, government employees and patriotic overseas Chinese.
For the China Democratic National Construction Association': National industrialists and merchants. '
For the China Peasants ' and Workers ' Democratic Party : Government employees, specialists and technicians.
For the China Association for Promoting Democracy: Progressive intelligentsia, practitioners and administrative workers.
The Jiu San Society will admit new members mainly from, among progressive workers in cultural, educational and scientific fields. [↩]
Barnett (1951). Page 76 [↩] [Cite]
Cited in Luo (1991). Page 56 [↩] [Cite]
Cited in Xue (2009). Page 221 [↩] [Cite]
Cited in Lutze (2007). Page 184 [↩] [Cite]
Outerbridge (no date). Page 174 [↩] [Cite]
Groot (1997). Pages 159-160 [↩] [Cite]
Croizier (1965). Page 14 [↩] [Cite]
Fung (2000). Page 333 [↩] [Cite]
Yip (1998). Page 1 [↩] [Cite]
Hung (2010). Page 408 [↩] [Cite]
Mao wrote several works about the future of China and the CCP “The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party.” December 1939,”On New Democracy”, January 19, 1940. “On Coalition Government”, April 24, 1945 [↩]
Yang (2007). Page 14 [↩] [Cite]
Cole (1951). Page 41 [↩] [Cite]
Bodde (1950). Page 201 [↩] [Cite]
Further Reading

Road to Common Program