The Common Program of the People's Republic of China 1949-1954

Part 4: Creating a consultative conference

Mao Zedong visits SU
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December 5, 1949 Mao Zedong leaves Beijing by train

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December 1949 Mao Zedong at the frontier

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December 16, 1949 Mao Zedong arives in Moscow

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December 16, 1949 Mao Zedong and Stalin first talk

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December 21, 1949 Stalin's Birthday

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December 21, 1949 Stalin's Birthday celebration in Bolshoi theater

December 24, 1949 Mao Zedong and Stalin second talk

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January 14, 1950 Mao Zedong visits Leningrad

January 22, 1950 Mao Zedong (Zhou Enlai) and Stalin third talk

January 24, 1950 Mao Zedong and Stalin fourth talk

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February, 1950 Mao Zedong visits Kolchoz

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February, 1950 Mao Zedong visits Kolchoz

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February 14, 1950 Zhou Enlai signing of the treaty

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February 14, 1950 Vyshinskii signing of the treaty

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Renmin Ribao article on visit

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February 17, 1950 Mao Zedong leaves Moscow

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February 17, 1950 Mao Zedong leaves Moscow


Founding date of CPPCC Delegations
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October 10, 1925 Founding Zhi Gong Dang

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May 1, 1925 Founding All China Federation of Labour

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August 9, 1930 Founding Peasants and Workers Democratic Party

May 31, 1936 Founding Chinese People's
National Salvation Association

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March, 1941 Founding China Democratic League

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October 28, 1945 Founding of The Three People’s Principles Comrades Association San Min

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December 16, 1945 Founding Democratic National Construction Association

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December 30, 1945 Founding Chinese Association for Promoting Democracy

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March 6, 1946 Democratic Foundation Of The Chinese GMD

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May 4, 1946 Founding Jiu San

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November 12, 1947 Founding Taiwan Democratic Self-Government League

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January 1, 1948 Founding Revolutionairy GMD

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March 1, 1949 Founding All-China Student Federation

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March 24, 1949 Founding All-China Federation of Democratic Women

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May 4, 1949 Founding All- China Federation of Democratic Youth

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May, 1949 Trade union enlarged meeting in preperation for the CPPCC

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Representatives of preparatory meeting China's National Social scientists

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June, 1949 All- China Journalist Association

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June, 1949 Founding Preparatory Committee of the China Federation of Education Workers

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June, 1949 Preperatory meeting of the PLA headquarter

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July 1949, The national literary artists congress meets in preperation for the CPPCC

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July 13, 1949, The national natural science congress

Preparatory Conference June 1949

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June 15, 1949, Delegates signing in

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June 15, 1949, Mao Zedong opening's speech

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June 15, 1949, Delegates applaud Mao Zedong

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June 15, 1949, Preparatory Conference

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June 15, 1949, Preparatory Conference

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June 15, 1949, Opening Preparatory Conference

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June 15, 1949, Dong Biwu, Zhu De, Lin Boqu, Shen Junru

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June 5, 1949, Standing Committee of the Preparatory Meeting

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June 15, 1949, Mao Zedong and Zhu De listen to speeches

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June 15, 1949, Ma Xulun chairman commission national flag, anthem and emblem

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June 15, 1949, He Xiangning Representative of the Overseas Chinese

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June 15, 1949, Tan Kah Kee (Chen Jiageng ) Representative of the Overseas Chinese

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June 1949, Li Weihan made a report

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June 18, 1949, the 3rd group discussed the drafting of the "Common Program"

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June 19, 1949, Zhou Enlai closes the preperatory meeting"

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June 19, 1949, Zhou Enlai closes the preperatory meeting"


During the 1940’s, Mao Zedong regularly asked to meet Stalin in person in Moscow. In April 1948, Mao is on the verge of going to the SU when at the last moment Stalin does not want to meet him. Later on, in 1948 and in the beginning of 1949, Mao Zedong still tried several times to persuade Stalin in meeting him. His requests are declined. The main reason for the refusal is that Moscow has a diplomatic relation with the government of Jiang Jieshi and Stalin is not willing to offend the GMD government. These relations with the GMD government are not only diplomatic, but the SU also sells weaponry. Sheng (1998b) cites: Mikoyan, the special envoy of Stalin, who gives an additional explanation: "Should the trip become public knowledge, Mikoyan said, Mao could have been "named a Moscow agent. This would have been detrimental to the prestige of the CCP and would have been exploited by the imperialists and the Chiang Kai-shek clique against the Chinese communists."

Mao Zedong wants to consult Stalin on several topics. One of them is the matter of organizing a political consultative conference. Instead of personal contact, Mao Zedong, and Stalin correspond to each other about this theme. Mao Zedong is afraid the Americans intend to "…organize and send their lackeys so that they infiltrate the political consultative meeting and the democratic coalition government and could create an opposition bloc there and undermine from within the people’s revolutionary front in order that the revolution could not be consistently implemented." Stalin agrees with Mao and proposes to him to organize immediately a political consultative conference after the takeover of Beijing, then the GMD will be incapable of creating their own political consultative conference. Mao Zedong answers Stalin that the moment has not yet arrived to establish a political consultative conference. He wants to wait until Nanjing, Wuhan, or Shanghai is firmly in the hands of the PLA. Mao is not afraid the Minzhu Dangpai will join an initiative of the GMD. "At the present time the majority of the democratic politicians are in our areas, they themselves want to be there, and [come] to us. Whereas before we invited many but they did not go, now after the victories of our armies, it is enough to give them the smallest hint, and they immediately come."
This opinion of Mao Zedong appears to be right. On January 22, 1949, some 53 members of the CDL and other political persons publicly declare to support the CCP and condemn the foreign policy of the US. Mao Zedong also states that several GMD generals, like Bai Chongxi, Tan Enbo, and Liu Ruming openly or secretly contacted the PLA in order to surrender. (However, all 3 of them eventually fled to Taiwan.)
As an alternative of receiving Mao Zedong in Moscow, Stalin sends his special envoy Mikoyan on a secret mission to the headquarters of the CCP in Xibaipo. He arrives on January 30, 1949 and has a number of talks with Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai and other Politburo members. On January 30 and February 4, 1949, they have extensive talks about the establishment of a coalition government and about the formation of a preparatory committee for the founding of a political consultative conference. Mao Zedong shows Mikoyan, a list of 22 political and social organizations that are eligible for an invitation. Rudolph (2021) claims changes in the available invitation lists can give important insights into power struggles between the Minzhu Dangpai and the CCP as well as between the Minzhu Dangpai that competed for influence in the new regime. "A list attached to the CCP leadership’s draft from October 1948 mentioned 39 entities: 9 DPGs (Minzhu Dangpai), 6 factions representing local interests, 6 factions representing the military as well as representatives from 17 civic associations.61 Already one week later, the number of DPGs had shrunken to seven, excluding the Zhigong Party and the Democratic National Construction Association.62"
On July 4, 1949, Liu Shaoqi assures Stalin, during his meeting with him in Moscow, that in the new consultative conference, the CCP will have the control. According to Ivanov (1992), there are about 100 political groups active in the period between 1945 and 1949. Stalin constantly urges the CCP to form a coalition government as soon as possible, however, "Before creating a government, one should comprehensively clear the liberated territory from hostile elements, internal and foreign, strengthen one’s cadres, bring forces and military supplies to the frontlines of the People’s Liberation Army. This will require time. How much time this will require is something that the Chinese comrades must determine for themselves." Mao Zedong replies on another occasion: "Now we decided to form a government in the months of August-September of this year. All the preparatory work must be completed before the middle of the month of August. In the middle or in the second half of the month of August one can call the political consultative meeting and form the government."
In the same cable, Mao Zedong tells Stalin, he is convinced the Minzhu Dangpai will eventually support the CCP although a lot of persuasion is needed, and he tells Stalin the total number of delegates can be expanded to 500.
The Sino-Soviet Alliance for Friendship and Mutual Assistance promotes enduring world peace

The CCP has invited 135 congress participants to come to Beijing to hold a preparatory meeting. On June 11, 1949, the CCP and various democratic parties and democrats without party affiliation held a preparatory meeting for the preparatory meeting of the new political consultative conference in Beijing. Candidates for the Standing Committee were chosen. The purpose of this gathering (15-06-1949 - 19-06-1949) is to work on a Common Program. On the first day of the meeting, June 15, 1949, Mao Zedong calls them to take on the necessary preparations for convening a political consultative conference. He is convinced this meeting will be a success, because all the delegates want to make an end to the domination of imperialism, feudalism, and capitalism, and they all want to eliminate the GMD government. Mao Zedong states: "This battle can be won because equal minded people can beat those enemies and make it possible to strive for a China that is independent, which has peace, unity, power and prosperity. He also claims there are 2 important tasks for the new coalition government. The first one is to eliminate all reactionaries, the second is economic recovery."
The 135 delegates to the conference represent 23 organizations. They are from different areas of China and have different political, social, and economic background. About 50 delegates are members of the CCP, although during the meeting they should represent their Minzhu Dangpai. See for an explanation of Dual membership.
There are only 18 female delegates. The congress participants have different backgrounds. Chen Mingshu is a military educated person, who was prime minister in the GMD government. Dissatisfied with Jiang Jieshi’s policy, he leaves the GMD. He is very impressed by the military strength and discipline of the PLA and in 1949 he is a middleman during the negotiations between the CCP and US ambassador Stuart. He is a delegate at this conference for the Revolutionary GMD (Rev.GMD).
Chen Jiageng better known as Tan Kah Kee is a prominent businessman, who in his youth immigrated to Singapore. He rapidly became a successful entrepreneur. In 1940, after a meeting with Mao Zedong he supports the communists and he tries to persuade Overseas Chinese to stop their funding to the GMD regime. In 1946, he even asks American President Truman to stop the aid for Jiang Jieshi. In January 1949, he accepts the invitation for the preparatory meeting of the CPPCC, but he insists that his visit to China is for touring to see for himself the situation in the liberated areas. He is a delegate at this meeting for the Overseas Chinese. In February 1950 he returns to Singapore and in May 1950, he leaves for China definitely. His decision to stay in China after May 1950, became a significant patriotic symbol for the overseas Chinese, and an inspiration for thousands of Chinese youths in Southeast Asia to go to China in the 1950's.
Many delegates have studied on universities and have been abroad for their study or/and for their work. Most of them have been in Japan. In West Europe: France and Germany are favourite destinations. In East Europe the SU. America is also a very popular destination.
Mao Zedong and Stalin
A number of prominent people receive a personal invitation of Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai. They are not affiliated with any political party or organization. For Chinese liberals, political engagement did not always involve formal membership in existing political parties or the establishment of new ones. Prominent Chinese academics and intellectuals believed that even by maintaining a certain distance from day-to-day politics, they could wield significant political influence surpassing that of their European or American counterparts. This perception may have stemmed from the enduring impact of the traditional literati class, which endowed them with a unique ability to shape political discourse and exert influence despite their relative detachment from routine political activities. Their role after the regime change in October 1949 did not end. "…old intellectuals. Some, with national fame, received honorary positions because they had been targets of the CCP's united front policy. Others were assigned to specialist positions where they could utilize their expertise. Old intellectuals could not claim virtue or seniority, but they possessed knowledge that the regime needed, and it helped them to survive in functional positions."

Several members of the CCP are also (secretly) followers of one or more Minzhu Dangpai. During the civil war, the existence of dual membership had been denied and GMD’s evidence denounced as false. "An appearance of independence was maintained for the foreign and domestic public but MPG members were well aware CCP members in their midst."Chu Tunan , a historian born in Hunan, is a party member since 1926 but he is also a member of the CDL. This dual membership is common. Some are directly sent to influence internally the Minzhu Dangpai. This policy becomes official after 1949.
Chang (1956) states: "It is worth noting that while the CPC has been willing to encourage the minor parties to expand, it is also suggested as early as May, 1951, that Communist Party members be included in the minor parties up to ten or twenty per cent of the total membership for the purpose of assisting them in organizational matter."
It is very difficult to tell how many double memberships exist. The work of the United Front department is secret. Only 2 years before his death in 1980, it became publicly known that Sha Qianli , a member of the CNDCA, also was a member of the CCP. Sometimes a person wants to become a member of the CCP but is refused on tactical grounds. The CDL leader Wu Han applies for membership in 1948, but Zhou Enlai convinces him his role in the United Front is too important. In 1957, Wu Han becomes secretly a CCP member. The CCP seeks for support of the intellectuals but does not want a large number of them within the party. The opposite is also possible. "Zhou Enlai (1898–1976) asked Hu (Yuzhi), “Are you an open CCP member or still an underground member?” Hu replied that his membership remained a secret. Zhou’s instruction was, “As an underground member, it is better for you to continue to work inside the democratic parties.” 45 Hu Yuzhi was careful not to appear “communistic,” particularly in the early 1950s, when Mao was courting members of democratic parties to build a broader base of support for the new Communist regime."
There is also a group who lost contact during the civil war with the CCP and they looked for political shelter in the Minzhu Dangpai. The third group are persons who are members of the Minzhu Dangpai, and later on become CCP members or were member of the CCP and left the party. Qian Jiaju who was member of the CCP and is a member of the CDL, says in his memoires: "Political parties in capitalist countries are exclusive. No one can join two political parties at the same time. But it is different in China. There are many overlapping members and people are used to them. Even a leader of one party can be a member of another party… This is why it is unrealistic and impossible to change democratic parties into opposition parties, as suggested by many young friends. These Chinese-style democratic parties can only be little parties under the leadership of the CPC."
Barnett (1949) writes on 6 September 1949: "By far the majority of them can be called Kuomintang dissidents: that is they are people who at one time belonged to the Kuomintang but broke away from it because of political differences, persecution or personal rivalries. … The way in which the past histories of many of these men are intertwined would sound like the plot of a complicated historical novel if fully described."

Not only Minzhu Dangpai members are invited but also members of mass organizations. These are, for example, the All-China Federation of Labour (ACFL). An organization founded in 1925. Liu Shaoqi is vice chairman of this trade union. The All-China Federation of Democratic Women (ACFDW) founded just before this meeting on March 1949. The Honorary President is Soong Ching Ling, the wife of Sun Yat sen. The All-China Federation of Students (ACFS) also founded in March 1949. These organizations are specially founded for this meeting in June. After this political consultative conference, other mass organizations are founded to be able to send delegates to the political consultative conference of September 1949. These mass organizations ".. all of which are political in character, are not, strictly speaking, elements in the bureaucratic "organizations of state power," but in countless ways they are tied to the party, the army, and (later to) the government, and they form an essential part of the organizational matrix of Chinese Communist rule. They are the organizational link between the bureaucratic ruling agencies and the masses."
The majority of the organizations convene shortly before this political consultative conference their own congress to choose their delegates for this preparatory conference.
Most of the participants at this conference are enthusiast. Wu Yaozhong a delegate for the Christian religious people tells during the meeting: "It is time now that Christians should free themselves from capitalist and imperialist traditions." Additionally, the Buddhists are very positive. In a letter to Mao Zedong, and leaders of the Minzhu Dangpai Ju Zan writes: "All Buddhists have expressed their admiration and appreciative joy over the dawn of the new era.
2. Buddhists would like to give ten thousand thanks to the Chinese Communist Party for eliminating feudalism and superstition, which have long defiled the sangha, and Buddhists are looking forward to a new life.
3. Buddhism, unlike other religions, is atheism, and it advocates the realization of the doctrines of non-self and serving others. Therefore, it is comparable to the spirit of the time (Marxism). The appearance of a new form of Buddhism in China would facilitate the liberation of Tibet and Taiwan, where Buddhism is much revered. New Buddhism will also help promote diplomatic friendship with neighboring Buddhist countries, thus contributing to world revolution.
4. A movement of "shifting to production" and "shifting to scholarship" should be carried out among the sangha so that the feudal system and superstitious beliefs could be destroyed, and backward Buddhists could be transformed.”
In addition, other delegates are excited, Huang Yanpei an economist talks about a building with 5 entries: "Independence, democracy, peace, unity, and prosperity with power. The flag atop the building was the banner of New Democracy."

How sincere and 'voluntary' this enthusiasm of the delegates is, is hard to determine because “No organization of the Churches was given any opportunity of electing these or any other delegates. The 'delegates' were selected by the Communist authorities who designated them as the 'representatives of the Churches'."
The party imposed three conditions on all conference delegates: first, the recognition of CCP's leadership; second, the commitment to pursue the revolution to its completion; and third, the establishment of a people's democratic dictatorship that excluded counterrevolutionary elements and precluded the possibility of an alternative path. The future participants of the CPPCC are extensively vetted for their sympathies. Their feelings range from anti-Japanese, anti-Jiang Jieshi, anti-feudalism, and anti-American to pro-Soviet Union and pro-unitary state. According to the regulations of the Preparatory Committee, the first group of representatives was approved at the 8th meeting of the Standing Committee of the New CPPCC Preparatory Committee after more than three months of consultation. On September 20, the list of representatives participating in the new CPPCC was finally settled.
The significant inclusion of traditional doctors as members in the CPPCC was often regarded as evidence of their elevated status within the Communist regime. Notably, there was no explicit campaign to criticize any lingering "feudal" elements in their perspectives. It is possible that traditional Chinese doctors swiftly and readily discarded the conservative aspects that earlier twentieth-century modernists found objectionable. However, the divergent treatment by the Communist government implies that they considered the traditional conservatism represented by these doctors to be less threatening than the bourgeois ideas and assertions of autonomy put forth by the modern medical profession. Even those who chose not to participate in the CPPCC saw themselves as Liang Shuming puts it as ‘loyal opposition” “a wish shared by those who chose to stay on the mainland after 1949.”
In 1949, the CCP has over 5 million members. The Minzhu Dangpai has 20.000 members in total. Yip (1998) notices difficulties in determining the total number of Minzhu Dangpai members because in 1947 the GMD regime prohibited some parties. According to rough estimates, the CDL had 15.000 members in 1947.

This preparatory meeting ends with the election of a permanent committee of 21 members. Mao Zedong and Zhu De are on behave of the CCP chairmen. Li Jishen (Rev. GMD) is also elected chairman and Lin Boqu (CCP) is general secretary. The committee choses members for 6 workgroups. Their job is the composition of the list of participants for the next political consultative conference, to prepare a Common Program and organic laws. One law for the new political consultative conference and one for the coalition government. The workgroups have also to decide on the new national emblem, a national flag, and a national hymn.
Zhou Enlai coordinates the 6 groups and Mao Zedong supervises the work on the Common Program. Zhou Enlai temporarily put aside many affairs at hand, and concentrated a period of time to complete the drafting of the "Common Program". On June 30, the first draft was successfully completed. The draft of the "Common Program" had five revisions (August 22nd, September 5th, September 6th, September 11th and September 13th). Mao Zedong made some structural adjustments and some paragraphs were revised. On September 13, there was the final discussion and amendments. See Meeting and see also Part 6.
The 29-year-old Wu Jian has been asked to end the congress in a celebratory way. He uses the popular Yangge. This is a combination of dance and song. Its origin lays in rural dance performances and is used by the CCP cultural department for propaganda aims. The Huairen hall of Zhongnanhai in Beijing is filled with the delegates on the evening of June 19, 1949, to enjoy the theatre performance. One of the acts performed is ‘The big Yangge of the celebration of Liberation’ in which the liberation of Beijing and the successes in the war against the GMD are the main topics. The audience is very impressed. See also Article 45
Hung (2010) explains: "Targeting rural audiences, the propagandists relied on yangge, a familiar folk art, as a tool. New yangge –a reformed rural dance instilled with political themes extolling the achievements of communist rule – and its accompanying short plays…, popular since the Yan'an era, became a political instrument to channel anti-sect messages to the villagers."

On June 21, 1949, two days after the end of the preparatory political consultative conference, Liu Shaoqi went on a secret mission to Moscow to visit Stalin. The purpose of this trip was to ensure financial, and technical aid from the SU. Liu Shaoqi also wanted to report on the conference. Another part of his mission was to learn about the construction and structure of government, economic and cultural commissions and mass organizations. He and his delegation visit several factories and collective farms. Stalin met with Liu Shaoqi 6 times, an unprecedented event. Stalin agrees with Liu Shaoqi about the CPPC's coalition policy: "The point of view that considers cooperation between you and the Chinese national bourgeoisie as the way of drawing them into the government is correct."
When Liu Shaoqi left Moscow on August 14, 1949, he took with him 220 advisors. They were specialists in the field of civics, economy, defense, and propaganda. In 1949 the total number of SU specialists in China is more than 600. Most of them are active in the Northeast.

On the occasion of the 28th anniversary of the CCP, Mao Zedong writes the essay "On the people’s democratic dictatorship" in which he clearly defines the margins within which the Minzhu Dangpai may collaborate with the CCP. The most important one is: "We are the opposite of the political parties of the bourgeoisie. They are afraid to speak of the extinction of classes, state power and parties. We, on the contrary, declare openly that we are striving hard to create the very conditions which will bring about their extinction. The leadership of the Communist Party and the state power of the people's dictatorship are such conditions."
He also states that the new republic will be different: "There are bourgeois republics in foreign lands, but China cannot have a bourgeois republic because she is a country suffering under imperialist oppression. The only way is through a people's republic led by the working class. All other ways have been tried and failed." The people govern the new republic and Mao Zedong defines who are part of the people and what will happen to those who are not part of the people: "They are the working class, the peasantry, the urban petty bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie. These classes, led by the working class and the Communist Party, unite to form their own state and elect their own government; they enforce their dictatorship over the running dogs of imperialism -- the landlord class and bureaucrat-bourgeoisie, as well as the representatives of those classes, the Kuomintang reactionaries and their accomplices -- suppress them, allow them only to behave themselves and not to be unruly in word or deed. If they speak or act in an unruly way, they will be promptly stopped and punished." Mao Zedong deviates from the traditional Marxist-Leninist definition, in which the middle and national bourgeoisies are not a part of the people. Several Asiatic communist parties in Burma, Indonesia and Malaysia follow his definition.
Yang (2007) remarks: "The CCP defined the bourgeoisie so as to include: capitalists in industry and commerce and many small businessmen and shop-owners; various celebrities as well many relatively wealthy university professors and professionals; the representatives of their interests and claims in various political parties and groups: and even some senior officers and officials who had defected from the Guomindang."

The role of the Minzhu Dangpai will be limited in the future because "The people's democratic dictatorship is based on the alliance of the working class, the peasantry and the urban petty bourgeoisie, and mainly on the alliance of the workers and the peasants, because these two classes comprise 80 to 90 per cent of China's population. These two classes are the main force in overthrowing imperialism and the Kuomintang reactionaries. The transition from New Democracy to socialism also depends mainly upon their alliance." Mao Zedong attests that the Minzhu Dangpai for this moment has to play an important role: "To counter imperialist oppression and to raise her backward economy to a higher level, China must utilize all the factors of urban and rural capitalism that are beneficial and not harmful to the national economy and the people's livelihood; and we must unite with the national bourgeoisie in common struggle. Our present policy is to regulate capitalism, not to destroy it. But the national bourgeoisie cannot be the leader of the revolution, nor should it have the chief role in state power." Already in 1939 Mao Zedong writes in "The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party" "Except for the Communist Party, no political party (bourgeois or petty-bourgeois) is equal to the task of leading China's two great revolutions, the democratic and the socialist revolutions, to complete fulfilment."
Until the start of the September plenum, the 6 workgroups meet regularly and the Common Program is thoroughly examined and 5 times amended, Liu Shaoqi calls the end result "…the Communist Party's 'minimum program'."
In the months after the preparatory political consultative conference, the Minzhu Dangpai and mass organizations hold meetings to elect the delegates for the plenum of the CPPCC. The plenum is scheduled for September 21, 1949. Table 3 shows the distribution of the number of participants per Minzhu Dangpai. "Its 510 delegates will be drawn from 45 "representative units," to include: 14 political parties (142 delegates), most important of which will be the Communist party, the Kuomintang Revolutionary Committee, and the Democratic League (16 delegates each); 9 nonpolitical Regional groups (102 delegates), to be drawn from all parts of China; 6 army units (60 delegates), all of which, of course, are Communist; 16 people's organizations and groupings (206 delegates). This last group will comprise labor, peasant, women, youth, and student divisions, industrial and commercial circles, literary, scientific, educational, social science, and journalist groups, minority nationalities, "democratic overseas Chinese," and "democratic religious circles." Later the number of delegates has risen from 510 to 662.

On December 9, 1949 the General Assembly of the UN wants to investigate Soviet violations of the Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship and Alliance of 14 August 1945, and from Soviet violations of the Charter of the United Nations. See Further reading [↩]
Sheng (1998b). Page 174 [↩] [Cite]
1. CCP 2. PLA 3. The Revolutionary Committee of the GuoMinDang 4. The Union to advance Democracy in China 5. The Democratic League of China 6. The Association for Saving the Motherland 7. The Third Party (Democratic Party of Workers and Peasants) 8. The Union to Advance Democracy in Shanghai 9. The Society for the Democratic Transformation of China 10. The Congress of Professional Unions of China 11. The Peasants’ Union of China 12. The Youth Organization of China 13. The Student Union of China 14. The All-China Women’s Union 15. The Association of Cultural Workers of China 16. The Association of the Industrial Enterprises of Shanghai 17. The Union of Workers in Education 18. Representatives of non-party figures (Guo Moruo) 19. Representatives of the national minorities 20. Representatives of the Chinese emigrants, living in South-East Asia (Chen Jiageng, etc.) 21. Representatives of the Chinese emigrants living in the USA 22. The Association for the Study of Sun Yatsen. The membership of the preparatory commission will be composed of 3-4 people, delegated from each of the aforementioned groups, but irrespective of the number of delegates each organization will have only one vote. The communists will have 9 people on the commission, and 5 sympathizers. The rest of the seats are assigned to 4 centrists and 5 democrats. In the PCM 2/3 of the places will belong to the CCP. The commission will convene in the beginning of the month of March, prepare the composition of the political consultative meeting and the agenda of its sessions.
04-02-1949 Memorandum of Conversation between Anastas Mikoyan and Mao Zedong [↩]
Rudolph (2021). Pages 211 [↩] [Cite]
"A Preparatory Committee on PCC Convocation has already been set up. It comprises 134 members, among them 43 Communists, 48 progressive figures who will certainly support us, 43 centrists, with 12 centrists with rightist leanings among them. The progressives include 15 undercover Communists. The leadership of the Preparatory Committee is securely with the Communist Party" 04-07-1949 Excerpts of report to Stalin. [↩]
Ivanov (1992). Page 171 [↩] [Cite]
Westad writes "Although most of the members of the Preparatory Commission were in place in Beijing by late April, it took almost two months before the first meetings were held, mostly because the CCP needed time to convince prominent nonparty leaders to participate" Westad (2003). Page 264.[Cite]
See document 07-07-1949 The parties and bodies of the preparatory committee of the new political consultative conference [↩]
Lu (2008). Page 2 [↩] [Cite] [Cite]
Wong (1993). Page 459 [↩] [Cite]
Lee (1991). Page 51 [↩] [Cite]
Groot (1997). Page 189 [↩] [Cite]
Chang (1956). Page 526 [↩] [Cite]
Hung (2021). Page 23 [↩] [Cite]
Qian (1989). Page 26 [↩] [Cite]
Barnett (1949). Page 3 [↩] [Cite]
According to a Joint declaration of these parties, issued early in 1951, they announced their intention to recruit new members in accordance with the following formula defining these "principally eligible" for membership in the various parties:
For the Revolutionary Committee of the GMD: GMD members who at present still occupy government positions and those who have rendered distinguished services in the work of resisting American aggression and helping Korea or in the land reform.
For the China Democratic League: Petty bourgeois intelligentsia, particularly educational and cultural workers, college students, : technicians, practitioners, government employees and patriotic overseas Chinese.
For the China Democratic National Construction Association': National industrialists and merchants. '
For the China Peasants ' and Workers ' Democratic Party : Government employees, specialists and technicians.
For the China Association for Promoting Democracy: Progressive intelligentsia, practitioners and administrative workers.
The Jiu San Society will admit new members mainly from, among progressive workers in cultural, educational and scientific fields. [↩]
Barnett (1951). Page 76 [↩] [Cite]
Cited in Luo (1991). Page 56 [↩] [Cite]
Cited in Xue (2009). Page 221 [↩] [Cite]
Cited in Lutze (2007). Page 184 [↩] [Cite]
Outerbridge (no date). Page 174 [↩] [Cite]
Groot (1997). Pages 159-160 [↩] [Cite]
Croizier (1965). Page 14 [↩] [Cite]
Fung (2000). Page 333. [Cite]
Liang Shuming begged Mao Zedong not to invite him for the CPPCC in 1949. He arrived on New Year's Day 1950 in Beijing. Mao Zedong often dicussed matters with him. Alitto Pages 321-322.[Cite]
"And so it was that in January 1950, at the invitation of both Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai, Liang Shuming left Chongqing and traveled to Beijing via Wuhan. Until that point, Liang had pretty much stayed as far away from the new political regime as possible, but once he arrived in the capital his status as a mere outside observer quickly evaporated. By the time Liang arrived in Beijing in March, both Mao and Zhou were away in Moscow for their fatehl meeting with Joseph Stalin. But when, on March 10, 1950, the two CCP leaders arrived back from their trip in Beijing, many top officials saw it as their duty to greet them at the Beijing railway station. Perhaps because Liang had just recently arrived in the capital himself, or perhaps because he and Mao had been so well acquainted with each other over the years, the CCP’s United Front Department (Tongzhanbu) arranged for none other than Liang Shuming to stand at the front of the greeting line made up of personages from the nonpartisan democratic parties. Disembarking, Chairman Mao immediately noticed Liang and loudly proclaimed, for all to hear: “Mr. Liang, so you, too, have arrived in Beijing. We meet again! How are you? Is your family also here? Some day you should come over for a visit and we’ll have a long talk, maybe for another entire night!” That Mao took such an amiable disposition toward Liang, as though the two were intimate friends, touched Liang deeply. Other than firmly shaking Mao’s hand, Liang was utterly speechless." (2000). Page 74 [↩] [Cite]
Yip (1998). Page 1 [↩] [Cite]
Hung (2010). Page 408 [↩] [Cite]
Mao wrote several works about the future of China and the CCP “The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party.” December 1939,”On New Democracy”, January 19, 1940. “On Coalition Government”, April 24, 1945 [↩]
Yang (2007). Page 14 [↩] [Cite]
Cole (1951). Page 41 [↩] [Cite]
Bodde (1950). Page 201 [↩] [Cite]
Further Reading

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