Conclusions & Remarks Chapter 1

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In September 1949, when the People's Republic of China was officially proclaimed, the nation found itself grappling with the consequences of nearly 35 years of turmoil. This period included the civil war, followed by Japanese occupation, and then another phase of civil conflict. Many lives were lost during this tumultuous era, countless individuals became refugees, and social bonds were fractured. The economy had been on a downward spiral for several years, with the primary culprits being the civil war, extensive infrastructure damage, rampant corruption, and soaring inflation rates. Faced with these challenges, the new government had the daunting task of both reviving the economy and restoring faith in the political system.
To achieve this, the Common Program was introduced as an endeavor to garner support from various quarters in order to realize a 'New' China. This vision hinged on collaboration between the Minzhu Dangpai, the working class, and farmers, with the ultimate objective being the gradual implementation of socialism.
Chapter one of the Common Program comprises a blend of articles. Articles 8, 9, and 10 serve as preliminary introductions and are explored in greater detail in subsequent chapters.

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Resume
The period following China's revolutionary upheaval in 1949 saw a significant transformation in the social class landscape, as outlined in the Common Program. This blueprint defined the constituents of the people's democratic dictatorship, including industrial laborers, farmers, the small bourgeoisie, and the national bourgeoisie, collectively termed 'the people.' The success of socialist aspirations relied on fostering robust cooperation between farmers and laborers, who formed the backbone of this framework. However, the emergence of the petty bourgeoisie as a widely recognized class category introduced challenges, as they were perceived to harbour political and moral deficiencies detrimental to nation-building and socialist endeavours.
Socialism

Stalin advised Mao Zedong to engage the national bourgeoisie in cooperation against imperialism, encouraging their trading activities both domestically and internationally. Despite being part of 'the people,' the small and national bourgeoisie were also viewed as exploiters. Rong Yiren, among others, exemplified the benefits reaped by national bourgeoisie individuals through moderate politics, unlike other merchants who fled. Mao Zedong's call during the 3rd plenum of the party congress emphasized rallying the petty and national bourgeoisie under working-class leadership. Within two and half years after the establishment of the new government the national bourgeoisie is no longer part of this definition. In here lies the base for the worsening of the relationship between the CCP and the Minzhu Dangpai and it makes the realization of the Common Program even more difficult.
The enemies of 'the people,' including landowners, GMD members, and bureaucratic capitalists, were explicitly excluded from 'the people' and faced oppression. Mao Zedong's vision of the people's democratic dictatorship entailed democracy for 'the people' and dictatorship for their enemies. Despite socio-economic reforms, dissent persisted, with labor disputes and protests reflecting the delicate balance between order maintenance and grievance redressal. The CCP's response oscillated between concessions and crackdowns, acknowledging the complexity of navigating dissent amidst ongoing reforms.

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Fig. 1.1 People's Daily Editorials on Unification

The pledge to unite all of China under communist rule had been achieved to a large extent. Mongolia's independence was an established fact and the conquest of Taiwan had become impossible, partly due to the Korean War and the US military backup of Taiwan. When looking at the editorials about unification in the RMRB (Fig. 1.1.), it is obvious that the subject of Taiwan is the most important item.
Both Tibet and Xinjiang were not easily 'pacified', revolts occured frequently. Tibetans managed to gain international attention for their cause. Uighurs were much less successful in this.

The return of the Manchurian railway concessions in 1952 marked a significant moment in the long-awaited national reunification of most of China’s core territories. After nearly sixty years of continuous imperialist encroachment, China finally regained its lost territory in Manchuria. The handover of the Changchun Railway in December 1952, without any payment, was a crucial step. All related railway assets were returned within the same year, followed by the transfer of Port Arthur and Dalian in 1955. See for details Article 36

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"New Democracy" is a theory proposed by the Communist Party of China during the period of seizing power. It was supported by many people from all walks of life and recognized by party members and cadres. Before and after the founding of the People's Republic of China, it was clearly proposed that there should be a "stage of new democracy" for fifteen years to two or three decades. Until the eve of the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949, Mao Zedong consistently emphasized the importance of class struggle within the Party. He warned that the bourgeoisie was only a temporary ally and stressed the need to remain vigilant against its potential betrayal. Mao asserted that after taking control of the cities, the Party must maintain a firm class standpoint and never forget the importance of class struggle. He regarded documents and writings that deeply addressed class issues as profound, while those that did not were considered superficial. Mao predicted that after the completion of the bourgeois democratic revolution, the primary contradiction in China would be between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. He identified two forms of struggle against the bourgeoisie: competition and confiscation. At the time, he argued that while it was necessary to unite with the bourgeoisie to fight imperialism, the Guomindang, and to develop production, confiscation was not yet required, though competition had already begun.
After the founding of the People's Republic of China and the liberation of most of the country, major victories followed, such as the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea, and the Suppression of Counter-Revolutionaries. The key tasks of the democratic revolution—opposing imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucratic capitalism—were largely completed. With this shift in the balance of power, Mao formally declared that, following the defeat of the landlord class and bureaucratic bourgeoisie, the primary contradiction in China had shifted to one between the working class and the national bourgeoisie, and that the national bourgeoisie should no longer be considered part of the middle class. After consulting with Stalin, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China adopted Mao's suggestion and, on June 15, 1953, formally established the general line for the transition period: to complete the country's industrialization and the socialist transformation of agriculture, handicrafts, and capitalist industry and commerce within 10 to 15 years or more.
In other articles this destruction is described in detail.

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Elections for the National People's Congress are regularly postponed and finally hold in September 1954. On local and national level, the candidates are pre-selected. See also Article 12

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All organizations which were not under control of the CCP were dismantled or put under supervision of the party. It was for the first time in Chinese history Buddhists, Daoists, Protestants, or Muslims were been united in their own China-wide organizations. The firm grip the CCP got over the 5 religions caused great difficulties within the religious communities. Some of them wanted to hold on to the situation pre 1949 and others wanted to cooperate with the new regime. In 1949, in Beijing, there were more than 60 churches and organizations with a religious background. In 1959 all organizations with a foreign background had disappeared and only 4 ‘official’ churches remained. In Shanghai the situation was even more severe. In 1949 there were 2000 churches in 1959 only 15 remained.
The communist revolution in 1949 marked the beginning of a new period characterized by cultural uniformity. Confucianism was condemned, and religious practices were prohibited by the government. Local cultural expressions such as music, opera, handicrafts, and others were repurposed to propagate the communist ideology's universal principles. Any behavior diverging from centrally prescribed economic and cultural guidelines was met with zero tolerance.
Sects were viewed as counterrevolutionary groups and faced greater persecution compared to religious followers. Despite the crackdown effectively weakening sects organizationally, it did not completely eradicate their influence. Instead, during the 1950s and early 1960s, they displayed a remarkable ability to sporadically revive.
It can be argued that instead of conventional religions, a cult centered around Mao Zedong emerged. This phenomenon began as early as the 1920s, coinciding with the transformation of the CCP into a highly disciplined and deeply hierarchical organization. Consequently, the directives issued by the Party Central assumed an almost sacred status; opposing them ceased to be merely a form of dissent and became tantamount to heresy. In the anthem "The East is Red," composed around the time of Mao's assumption of the party chairmanship in 1945, Mao was celebrated as a "great savior" and "trailblazer" who harbored affection for the people. The sun, which would later become one of the most frequently employed symbols for Mao, is depicted as representative of both the man himself and the party. See also Article 42
Buddhism, Taoism, and Islam were required to eliminate their feudal elements, while Protestantism and Roman Catholicism were expected to sever their foreign ties and remove imperialist influences. All religious institutions were urged to oust reactionary leaders and support the new government. However, the united front policy of the 1950s emphasized the importance of materialists and idealists collaborating to build a socialist China, rather than highlighting the incompatibility between religion and socialism.
The Hukou system limits the mobility of almost everyone in the rural areas and also the urban dwellers are limited in their migration possibilities. The great divide between rural and urban areas is the consequence of the Hukou system.

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Fig. 1.2 People's Daily Editorials on Women

The editorials show the emphasis on the marriage law campaign and the position of women in society. The new law improves the position of the women, the number of female students increases gradually. See figure 1.3 Fig. 1.3 The total number of female college students in China 1947-1954

"In 1952, fewer than 600,000 women were employed at state-owned enterprises (SOE), while over 40% of those who were registered and willing to work could not find jobs." Women at work

Resume/remarks
The existing social order must not be disturbed too much because this will interfere with the development of the economy. The CCP considered the military, economic, and political reforms more important than the emancipation of women. The marriage law was never intended to free woman as an individual person. The CCP saw women as a unified mass with a single set of interests based on gender. The same applied for men. The liberation of the women is a common goal under the leadership of the CCP.
Throughout both the Republican and Communist periods in China, the government consistently sought to regulate women’s bodies, whether through laws, bans, or guidelines on clothing. During the Republican era, breast-binding was criticized for hindering modern nation-building. Women were seen not only as female citizens but also as mothers of future citizens, and were expected to cultivate their bodies to "strengthen the nation and race." This nationalist and hygienic discourse carried over into the Communist period, where women were mobilized to build the new socialist society and were tasked with maintaining their health to become effective socialist builders. Across both periods, the female body was viewed as a resource for national development, with women’s health considered not just a personal concern, but a matter of national importance.
The CCP’s initial focus on educating Chinese peasants through anti-superstition campaigns and women's liberation was now overshadowed by its revolutionary mission to lead a class struggle under Mao’s leadership. The party defined the rules because they are the vanguard and the voice of the people. The instrument for the liberation of women is the ACFDW, this organization acts in the interest of women. It was extremely uncommon for even the top leaders of the ACWF to challenge the association between women and the home. Women were so closely tied to family life that, alongside advocating for women's rights, the ACFDW was also tasked with safeguarding children's welfare.
The ACFDW achieved some minor issues, including paid maternity leave, and active and passive voting rights for women. The party criticized male chauvinism among labourers, but equally “bourgeois” feminism was treated as a plot to divide the working class along gender lines. The slow economic development throughout the 50’s weakened the position of women.

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Fig. 1.4 People's Daily Editorials on Campaigns

The focus of the editorials is mainly on the suppression of counterrevolutionaries and sanfan (see Article 18 ). Resume/remarks
From 1950 till the end of 1952, about 2.5 million people were arrested and one third of them were executed. 1.2 million were “placed under the supervision of the masses.” The campaign's impact was immense— for every individual brought in for questioning, there were likely many more (family, friends, and associates) who felt a reason to be concerned. While these numbers are difficult to measure, the total of those imprisoned, pressured by the state, intimidated, or worried about their status was likely many times greater than the 800,000 to 2,000,000 people executed during the campaign.
The impact on communities was significant. Large-scale arrests and mass executions effectively mobilized the masses to eliminate perceived enemies of the state, with the general public caught up in the fervor of the political movement. Local citizens displayed clear disdain, or even resentment, toward counter-revolutionaries. In some areas, villages were unwilling to allow the burial of executed counter-revolutionaries within their boundaries, and family members of those executed often refused to mourn their relatives.

The campaign was conducted for full public purposes, to involve as many people as possible and to warn against counterrevolutionary activities by fear and terror. During the campaign cadres, were sent to factories to supervise, to make propaganda, and to guide internal accusation meetings. After the campaign ended in 1953, those internal security organizations remained and became compulsory in all work units. Terror should be included in our conceptual framework for understanding the early years of Communist rule, though regional variations and differences in timing add complexity. While "honeymoon" might describe the atmosphere in northern Chinese villages during 1950-51, "terror" is likely a more fitting term for large cities and areas like southern China, which had recently come under Communist control.

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In 1949, Mao Zedong decided to join the SU camp and accepted the guiding role of the SU in the anti-imperialistic struggle. In this struggle, a division was made between East Europe, under the guide of the SU and Asia under the guidance of the People's Republic of China. Both countries tried to strengthen their influence in India.
The Geneva Conference is the first international podium of the PRC. It was an opportunity to break through China's isolation. Contacts were made with France and the United Kingdom. The Geneva conference on Korea was a failure, the conference on Indochina was more or less a success in the eyes of the Chinese leaders. Laos and Cambodia stayed neutral, no intervention from the US in Indochina, and a growing prestige as a protagonist of the Afro-Asian opposition against imperialism.

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Chapter 1 of Common Program

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